n
his State of the Union address delivered before the joint houses of
Congress in Washington D.C, President George Bush drove home the point
that he was going to war in order to achieve peace. Outlining why it
was necessary for the U. S. government to launch a war against the
state and people of Iraq, he noted: "We seek peace. We strive for
peace. And sometimes peace must be defended. A future lived at the
mercy of terrible threats is no peace at all. If a war is forced upon
us, we will fight in a just cause and by just means--sparing in every
way, the innocent. And if war is forced upon us, we will fight with
the full force and might of the U. S. military—and we will prevail."
These words communicated the philosophies of ‘just
cause’ and ‘just war’ and rekindled the classic realist view that the
best way to obtain peace is to prepare for war. The State of the Union
speech left no doubt in the minds of the ordinary U. S. citizen that
the country was on the brink of a major military adventure in the
Middle East. Bush delivered this message in an aggressive and
belligerent tone, with the vow that America is prepared to fight
"every danger, every enemy." It was a telling opening comment from the
head of an administration that spelt out to Bob Woodward the
pre-emptive doctrine of neo-imperialist leaders for ever on the
lookout for new enemies and dangers. The main corpus of this doctrine
was published in the book, Bush at War.
To the uninitiated, Bush’s speech represented the
concerns of a compassionate but dedicated President who cares about
the state of the Union (strong) and the economy (recovering). One
newspaper captured the three-pronged exertions of the President in
this way: "Bush: Grow Economy, Fix Medicare and Prepare for War." The
clear lesson was that war was also necessary for fixing the economy
and ensuring that Americans remain a "free people."
Bush’s zero concern for genuine peace and economic
reconstruction was compounded by a clear contradiction of the moment.
The President and his family belong to a section of the American elite
that is connected to the petroleum industry. Yet, one of the
contradictions of this period is the revolutionary potential of
hydrogen fuel cell technology. Among the early notable points was
Bush’s promise to increase R&D on production of "more energy at home."
He predicted that hydrogen-powered fuel cell technology would
revolutionise energy usage.
The contradictory position of the President is
comparable to the fate of a candle maker in the era of the discovery
of electricity. But entrenched investments in the oil industry mean
that Bush and his allies are still willing to go to war to control oil
fields.
Protesters marching on streets are proclaiming "No
Blood for Oil," and so, the speechwriters of the President forked out
a long-held view that the world’s largest energy consumer is being
held hostage by Arab countries. The reference to hydrogen fuel cell
technology was used as an alibi, that is, a crafty rebuttal of peace
activist criticism that Bush is interested mainly in Iraq’s 112
billion barrels of oil. Mentioning hydrogen power as a wave of the
future is a reminder that American companies like the
Connecticut-based UTC Fuel Cells will be the energy leaders of the
future. It is also Bush’s way of defending himself by asserting that
traditional fossil-fuel extracting petroleum bigwigs like Exxon Mobil
are not controlling U. S. foreign policy.
But if the current state of fuel cell research is
probed, Bush’s interest in Iraq attains a new dimension and rationale.
Iraq possesses as much as 326 trillion cubic feet of hydrocarbon gas,
from which hydrogen can be easily separated for commercial use. Thus
far, scientists have failed to fully develop the technology to
separate hydrogen from natural air and therefore, fuel cells cannot
yet be derived from a renewable source. Iraqi hydrocarbon fields are
definitely a prized booty in the minds of the war planners.