Behenji’s move has put the tall claims of Brahmin leaders on test and success of the rally would determine as to what extent the party has succeeded in winning over Brahmins, said a senior BSP leader preferring anonymity. A few Dalit leaders, fearing marginalisation within the party, have urged the BSP supremo to evaluate the actual number of Brahmins present at the rally.

Party national general secretary, Satish Chandra Mishra, who has conceptualised the lure-Brahmin campaign, has reportedly assured Mayawati of bringing at least five lakh Brahmins at the Lucknow rally. However, a few Dalit leaders confided that in the name of Brahmins, a large number of Dalits would also be brought to the rally. Hence, it would be difficult to estimate the party’s exact standing among Brahmins.

Even BSP state president Barkhu Ram Verma agreed that the rally would be reserved for Brahmins only and others had been categorically told to keep away. ‘’We definitely want to see the ground reality which can be gauged only by seeing the gathering," Verma added. Complying with the orders of Mayawati, rally managers were trying to rope in only Brahmins to make the event successful.

If the two seemingly antagonistic communities — Brahmins and Dalits — eventually join hands in Uttar Pradesh, will this friendship last long or prove to be short-lived? Experts believe that if this friendship continues for long, it may break new grounds where old and well-established orders could be buried.

In a state with more than 70 percent of Dalits agricultural labourers, 25 percent small and marginal farmers and the rest daily-wage earners, friendship with the upwardly mobile community of Brahmins may look unnatural. But in reality it is not so, social scientist commented.

Dalits, with a population of 13.80 crore in the country, could corner 13 lakh jobs in the government sectors. This includes those engaged as safai karamcharis. Besides, there are three lakh Dalits working as group ‘A’ and ‘B’ officers in the country. Then there are 72,221 Dalits enrolled in clerk grades. Thus, the total work force of Dalits works up to around 2 % in the country.

Contrarily, the Brahmins, despite having lost much of their sheen in the post-Mandal era, still hold around 10-12 % jobs. Though 15 years ago, the community had 15 percent jobs, but with Mandal, their downward journey began. In spite of this, the Brahmins command a sizable chunk of jobs in academics and some other areas as well.

Now the two communities, so different from each other, are perceived as friends. The fear of blow from Yadavas, Kurmis and other intermediary backward castes have brought Brahmins and Dalits together at least for the time being. After the consolidation of backward politics, many OBC groups not only became aggressive but showed belligerence. This aggression forced Brahmins and Dalits to join hands.

With the decline of BJP and Congress showing no sign of revival, Brahmins virtually became a ‘floating community’. In their search for a home, the Brahmins stayed with the BJP for a while but when known faces like Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Murli Manohar Joshi were sidelined, the community’s craving for a new place became more pronounced.

In Uttar Pradesh, the BSP seemed to be an ideal party for them because Thakurs had joined the Samajwadi Party. In UP, Brahmins had a kind of political enmity with Thakurs even during pre-Independence era. In this backdrop, the community had no other options but to join the Dalit outfit. With the support of 23 percent Dalits, the Brahmins could now think of facing the might of backwards who are around 38 percent.

But before the two communities really become friends, Dalits would be required to forget some of the perceptions enunciated by Ambedkar. The framer of the Constitution had cautioned Dalits on the twin dangers of capitalism and Brahminism for their exploitative nature.