ith
Assembly elections round the corner in four crucial States, our
politicians have begun hunting for issues. The old ones seem to have
lost their vote-gathering power, and with nothing much to write home
about the intrinsic worth of the individual candidate and with the
parties they represent bereft of any ideology (the supreme one today is
the seat of power everything else be damned) politicians of all hues and
parties are trying to use their grey cells (The BJP has recently
concluded its chintan baithak, and the Congress is conducting its
own in Shimla).
Since rozi-roti is becoming more important
than Ram, it is the issue of reservation which is taking centre stage.
Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot was the first
to re-invent the reservation game and shock the BJP by deciding to
provide reservation in government service and academic institutions for
the ‘economically backward’ among the upper castes. This would mean
crossing the 50 per cent limit set by the Supreme Court. The BJP
apprehending an erosion of its own major vote bank also acquiesced.
Nobody seems to be taking into account the fact that the decision can
only be implemented through an amendment of the Constitution.
Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Digvijay Singh has also
announced an increase in reservations from 14 per cent to 27 per cent in
the civil services of the State for Other Backward Classes (OBC) using
the ‘extraordinary situation’ proviso of Article
16 (4).
Recently, Mayawati too decided to deal herself a hand
in the game. She announced that she would push her dalit agenda forward,
and decided to increase the percentage of reservations for Scheduled
Caste, Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST) and OBC candidates for presiding officers
in industrial tribunals and labour courts. Looking at the speed with
which politicians are providing reservations in the name of removing
socio-economic backwardness, the day is not far off when there will be
no quota left for the ‘general classes’.
When Dr. Ambedkar raised the demand for reservation
of jobs for dalits, he probably never visualised that the issue would
one day be deplorably exploited by politicians just to boost their vote
banks. Of course, he probably never visualised that politicians would
ever be like most of the present-day ones, bereft of any personal
achievement, attribute or personality, and would therefore need vote
banks. It was the cruelties that he had seen inflicted on dalits that
had motivated him to fight for their cause. In fact, he dropped the
issue of a separate electorate for low-caste Hindus when the Congress
Party acceded to his demand of reservation.
Last year, during elections in Uttar Pradesh, Rajnath
Singh, the former Chief Minister, in order to entice the backward
classes, carved out the ‘Most Backward Class (MBC)’ category among OBCs
and decided to give them reservation. But he could not succeed in his
plans as the Supreme Court put a spoke in his wheel. He lost the
elections and Chief Minister Mayawati later withdrew the orders given by
him. Mayawati also successfully pursued the dalit agenda in the election
and today she is ruling the state in alliance with the BJP.
In 1990, when the V. P. Singh government decided to
implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission, it raised
widespread protest and anger. Students took to the streets in large
numbers and violent demonstrations became the order of the day. While
one student actually immolated himself, there were attempts to do so by
many others. His policy of reservation for the SC/ST and other OBCs was
not acceptable. Even some of the politicians today who are handing out
reservations at the drop of a hat were against him those days.
The Supreme Court in 1992 upheld the recommendations
of the Mandal Commission and placed a limit of fifty per cent
reservation, with the ‘creamy layer’ among the backward classes being
kept out of the purview of reservation. (Officially, no ‘creamy layer’
exists. Those who are not eligible for the benefit of reservation,
especially among the scheduled cases, continue to reap its benefit).
Thirty-two-year old Ajay Kumar belongs to the SC
category but he is unemployed. He rued that only those who can afford it
are being benefited by the quota system. He said: "I have been trying
for the past 12 years for a clerical job in government service. I’m a
graduate, know typing and computer operating. I know no one who could
have helped me to enter government service. Moreover, reservation leads
to competition among the SC/ST and has alienated us further from the
mainstream of society." He said that either one has to have wads of
currency to spend or relatives to help get a government job.
Ranjit Sinha, who cannot claim any reservation
status, is preparing for the Civil Services examination. He said:
"Nobody objects to monetary and other infrastructural benefits provided
to the downtrodden classes but, like other people, they should compete
with other segments of society to get admission in any college or
government services." Moreover, if any undeserving candidate is placed
in an important position, it affects the quality of service.
Politicians play the game of reservations for
ulterior gain and would not mind dividing the whole of society in the
name of the quota system. Earlier, it was just the SC/ST and OBC
categories that staked claim to benefits on the basis of their caste.
Now Brahmins, Vaishyas and other ‘non-reserved’ classes have also begun
clamouring for the benefits of reservation.
National Minorities Commission Chairman Trilochan
Singh revealed that demands for reservation are made by minority
sections like Sikhs, Muslims and others.
The time has now come to ponder over the question of
reservation and whether it is an effective policy to ameliorate the lot
of the downtrodden classes or those living below the poverty line. Or,
is it just another gimmick used by politicians to befool the people and
gain political mileage?