Although
women constitute about half the global population, nowhere in the world
have they been accorded representation in legislatures in accordance
with their number. Even in the most advanced and progressive nation like
the U. S. A., only 13 per cent of the seats in legislatures are being
occupied by them. The average of women’s representation in legislatures
in Europe is 17 per cent, in Asia 15.2 per cent, in India 10.3 per cent,
in Pakistan 17 per cent and in the Arab world only 6 per cent. It is not
that there is a statutory bar to the election of women in larger numbers
in legislatures. But somehow, either due to male prejudice or maybe lack
of enterprising women in most of the countries, the presence of women in
legislatures has been rather nominal.
When India was engaged in the freedom struggle
against the British, Mahatma Gandhi encouraged women to join the
Congress in large numbers to intensify the freedom movement and make it
as broad-based as possible. But after independence, although women
continued to shine in politics—Indira Gandhi was one of the best prime
ministers India had—gradually women’s participation in national politics
declined. It was against this background that Rajiv Gandhi first thought
of making statutory provisions to ensure the presence of women in larger
numbers in panchayats which are representative bodies at village-level
in the country. Since then, almost all political parties have been
raising the demand for according greater representation to women in
legislatures. It was during H. D. Deve Gowda ’s tenure as prime minister
that a move was initiated to reserve 33 per cent of seats for women in
Parliament and legislatures all over the country. As Deve Gowda’s
government and governments that followed never had such a majority in
the Lok Sabha, it became clear that it could never be adopted without
the support of the Opposition.
Women belonging to various organisations have sat on
dharnas outside Parliament House, and submitted memoranda to the Prime
Minister and the President demanding introduction of the bill. In order
to make the bill acceptable to all sections of people, the Law Ministry
modified its provisions. According to the latest version of the revised
bill, a provision for rotation of constituencies from where women are
elected has been introduced. Under this provision, a woman cannot seek
election from the same constituency for more than two consecutive terms.
But the principle of rotation would also hit men for they will have to
make way for women to seek election from their constituencies and move
to other constituencies for winning a fresh mandate for the third
consecutive term.
Like the upper caste leaders, they are also unhappy
with the provision of the rotation of constituencies. For instance, they
fear with the low level of literacy in rural areas, urban women who have
better education would be able to get elected from seats reserved for
women. But the real rural women would never be able to get elected
unless some statutory provision is made for them. The backward caste
leaders want the bill to have sub-clauses under which only women from
lower classes and castes hailing from rural areas are eligible. But will
the government agree to do so? Although Prime Minister Atal Behari
Vajpayee has again promised that the bill would be reintroduced in the
Lok Sabha in the next session, the chances of its adoption remain bleak.
Some feminists argue that instead of fixing reservations for women in
legislatures, the bill should be modified to incorporate provisions
stipulating that each political party in the country allot one third of
nominations to women for elections to legislatures. But again, opponents
say that this kind of modification would not help women. In such a
situation, representation of women in the legislature would remain as
low as at present.