Economy
serves as an essential lever for a nation’s strategic aspect. This is
what the Sri Lankan Government believed when it renewed its efforts to
engage India through economic relations, ahead of the proposed peace
talks with the LTTE. In fact, Colombo has charted a new plan—to enable
India to play a key role in the affairs of the Island without directly
involving itself in internal matters.
Taking this into account, Sri
Lanka recently leased oil tanks built during British colonial days in
Trincomalee (the hotbed of LTTE activity) to India’s premier public
sector company, the Indian Oil Corporation. Obviously, the facility
will allow New Delhi to have room to elbow out any drop in the
confidence level among Sri Lankan administrators. Besides giving the
Island a much-needed avenue for economic growth, India’s presence in
this part of the Island will tone up the security scenario. Also, the
Sri Lankan Government wants to see that the north-east area remains
away from the secessionist influences of the LTTE. There is
apprehension that once the Tigers are able to head the proposed
interim administration in the north-east area, they may stray and
encourage Tamils to demand a separate homeland. In that case, the
Indian presence, Sri Lankan experts feel, will effectively help the
Government in eliminating this alarming possibility.
During his recent visit to New
Delhi, Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, indicated quite
clearly that his country could not deal with the LTTE on its own. Even
the peace process cannot effectively move on without the unfettered
support of India, which has sought the extradition of LTTE supremo,
Velupillai Prabhakaran, for long. Consequently, to avoid an
embarrassing situation, Colombo scouted for a deeper engagement with
India. Significantly, it brightened up during the two-day visit of
Wickremesinghe, with New Delhi deciding to supply three lakh tonnes of
wheat to the Island, besides extending a credit worth 100 million
dollars. On its part, Sri Lanka has agreed to give distribution rights
for its petroleum products to the IOC.
However, of all the building
blocks that India and Sri Lanka seem to have mobilised for a new
economic relationship, the move to expand the existing free trade
agreement is as critical as the two nations’ nod to initiate a
feasibility study on a proposed land bridge to connect southern
Tamilnadu with northern Sri Lanka.
These measures might enhance the
level of political confidence in each other over time. Moreover, they
will suit the strategic interest of Sri Lanka when it accommodates the
LTTE in its political space. Presently, the de-proscription issue is
what keeps the Tigers and the Government at odds with each other.
Prime Minister Wickremesinghe says his Government can lift the ban on
the Tigers, if they agree to a fixed date for the proposed peace
talks. In fact, this is a shrewd tactical move by the Sri Lankan
Government to bring the group to the negotiating table. So far,
indications coming from the LTTE side are that the group is not
willing to accept the proposal. According to the Tigers, the
de-proscription issue should not be linked to the talks date. Thus,
the rebels appear to be dragging their feet on the date issue.
Defending their stand, they say the Island government is not prepared
to heed their demands on unconditional lifting of the ban and the
interim administration to be the only item on the agenda of talks.
The Government’s stand, which
Prime Minister Wickremesinghe had reiterated in his statement in the
European Parliament too, is that the interim administration will be
the main agenda and other issues will crop up as well during the
proposed talks. Clearly, Colombo is not ready to discuss only the
interim administration. It means the whole administrative set up in
the Island is geared to throw muck on the Tigers’ face on the issue.
Without addressing core political issues related to the future of the
north-east, the interim administrative issue would not be discussed
with the LTTE, the Sri Lankan President said in her meet with peace
facilitators in Colombo recently. However, adding to the perceived
intransigence has come the rebels’ complaint that certain provisions
of the ceasefire agreement, including granting political status to the
LTTE, have not yet been implemented. On his part, Wickremesinghe says
most of the agreements signed between the Government and the Tigers on
February 23 have been implemented.
However, if some agreements have
been left unimplemented, they will be looked into by the Sri Lanka
Monitoring Mission he says. But then, given the prevailing
low-confidence level between rebels and the Government, it does not
seem that both sides will stop looking at each other without disdain.
Still, so far it is the LTTE which has decided to bite off more than
it can chew. And, it is showing this possibility quite obdurately by
not giving a final date for talks.