It
was a memorable Sunday. At a public function in Srinagar on June 23, the
President of the ruling National Conference in Jammu and Kashmir, Dr.
Farooq Abdullah, took off his black Karakuli cap, placed it on the head
of his 32-year-old son, Omar Abdullah, and thus Omar was appointed the
new President of the National Congress which had stood between the
Kashmiris and the terrorists exported from Pakistan for more than half a
century. It was a happening which millions of eyes in Srinagar, New
Delhi and Islamabad were watching with bated breath on TV screens. Every
word which Omar Abdullah uttered, and every single action and gesture of
his, after he wore the black Karakuli cap, would be closely linked with
the future of Kashmir and Kashmiris. It would have a close bearing on
Indo-Pakistan relations and the political climate of the South-Asian
region. Before him, his father, Dr. Farooq Abdullah, and before him his
father, the legendary Sheikh Abdullah, had stood between the Pakistani
and Indian political extremists. How far and how well would the young
Omar carry the tradition, was the question.
There were many other sensitive political questions
linked with the emergence of Omar Abdullah as the new leader of the
largest democratic party in the Kashmir region. Of course there were
more than four dozen
so-called militant Kashmiri factions operating on both sides of the LoC,
funded mainly by Pakistan and supported by Pakistan's military and
fundamentalist leaders. How will the young President of the National
Conference withstand the overt and covert threats and challenges from
those extremists and fundamentalists who had always talked of
"liberation" at the cost of the freedom of the individual? How would he
fight hypocrisy and terrorism, operating in various garbs and forms in
the Indian subcontinent?
There were also questions like who will be the next
Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir? Will it be the father or the son?
Omar made it clear that it would be up to his father and the party to
decide on that. Of course he did have heartburn over the way the ruling
NDA leaders at the centre had treated his father on the question of the
Presidency of India. But he seemed to have reconciled himself to let
bygones be bygones. There were other issues. How will the new leader
lead his own party and the State of Jammu and Kashmir to the much
awaited Assembly elections? Who would be the main contenders of the
National Conference in the Valley, in the Jammu and Ladakh regions? He
gave some indication of this in an interview to the correspondent of a
national English daily. He made it clear that his party's main fight
will be against the Congress and the BJP in Jammu, against the PDP and
the Congress in the Valley and against Congress in Kargil and Ladakh.
There were those who wondered whether the All Party
Hurriyat Conference, split right down the ranks after the assassination
of the soft-liner Abdul Ghani Lone, will have the courage to accept the
challenge of a democratic poll and oppose the National Conference
candidates in the battle of the ballot. Most of the leaders of the
23-odd factions which form the APHC are old and decaying persons,
separatists and pro-Pakistanis for the simple reason that much of their
clandestine political and financial support comes from across the
border. They would rather obstruct the poll than risk being defeated.
That was the reason they had been repeating ad nauseum that someone
should ensure that the Assembly poll must be free and fair. The
insinuation was that those who did not wield guns and grenades could not
ensure a free and fair poll.
For that matter no poll and referendum in Pakistan
during the period since Pakistan was created could be called free or
fair. But that was considered all worn-out rhetoric. The real fear of
the anti-Omar and anti-poll factions of APHC, according to their rivals,
was that if they lost at the hustings they would lose their public
credibility and princely perks which they had enjoyed as leaders of
extremist groups carrying on a continuous proxy war against Kashmir and
India. Omar was bold enough to go on record to State that the National
Conference did not win polls using unfair means. He had the guts to say
what he honestly felt. But would the worn-out and ageing political
parties in Kashmir, Pakistan and for that matter, in some parts of India
also have the guts to replace the sick and ageing leadership with
younger leaders like the National Conference had done? The question was
bound to come up. For the present, one would like to say, Good Luck,
Omar Abdullah.