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Druk
Yul, or the land
of the dragon people, as Bhutan is locally known, is in a state of
flux with the last decade having witnessed change at breakneck
speed. The happy Bhutanese farmer, gently coaxing the two oxen
hitched to his plough, perhaps listening to a folk song on a radio
slung over his shoulder, could soon be an image of the past. The
Gho and Kira (traditional Bhutanese dress) are as much
symbols of a previous generation as a state of relative ignorance
and isolation.
Much has changed in Bhutan
since 1998 when King Jigme Singye Wangchuk curtailed his powerful
monarchy by yielding to the formerly rubber-stamp legislature,
giving it the right to remove him from leadership and appoint his
cabinet. The move was the most significant step to date in a gradual
programme to dilute the monarchy after nearly a century of absolute
rule. For those familiar with Bhutan’s history, the most significant
part of the process of gradual democratisation has been an end to
almost 300 years of virtual isolation with the lifting of the ban on
television and the introduction of Bhutan’s first ISP Druknet as
well as gradual urbanisation and political restructuring aimed at
eventually increasing Bhutan’s significance and role in
international affairs.
For a nation that safeguarded
its isolation to the point of paranoia, this significant break in
tradition was ironically not a result of a gradual social awakening
taking the form of a revolution but the end result of an extreme and
largely unprecedented xenophobia that also put almost a third of the
country’s population in exile. Bhutan is known to its inhabitants as
Druk Yul, (the land of the dragon), after the Buddhist Drukpa
Kagyu sect that first united it. The Buddhist peoples who inhabit
its highland areas are known collectively as Drukpas. Some 19
languages are spoken throughout Bhutan, and three main ethnic
groups—the Ngalong in the west, the Sharchhop in the east, and the
Nepalis in the south—comprise perhaps 85 per cent of the total
population. The Sharchhop and the people of central Bhutan have
their origins in the east of the kingdom. They were conquered by the
Ngalong, who came from Tibet, early on in Bhutan’s history. All now
show a fair measure of cultural unity as Drukpas. They share the
same religious faith and speak closely related languages, although
the Ngalong tend to dominate the region politically, and their
language, Dzongkha, is the national language.
The Nepali-speaking people of
the south were settled in Bhutan from the late 1800’s onward. Most
of them practise Hinduism, although some are Buddhist. In 1958, the
‘Lhotshampa’ (Nepalese) population of the southern districts
of Bhutan was granted Bhutanese citizenship and tenure of its lands.
The Bhutanese government later
pursued a policy of integration that met with considerable success:
having allowed the south to run its own affairs for decades with
minimal contact with the north; the Government began to train Nepali
Bhutanese for government and for some years even offered a cash
incentive for Nepali-Drukpa intermarriage. Thus, the Nepali
Bhutanese began to play a more important role in national life,
occupying some senior positions in the administration and sometimes
even representing the kingdom overseas. Paradoxically, this policy,
instead of making the Nepalese population an integral part of the
Bhutanese structure led to a heightened perception of the Nepalese
community as an alien entity that threatened the cultural as well as
political presence and dominance of the traditional Drupka
community, specially the Ngalong, or central Bhutanese which, though
not a majority in numbers nonetheless were considered the elite that
monopolised most positions of power and authority in the country.
As a result of this concern,
the Government of Bhutan embarked upon a programme of
marginalisa-tion of the Nepalese community.
Bhutan’s Sixth Five-Year Plan
(1987-92) included a policy of ‘one nation, one people’ and
introduced a code of traditional Drukpa dress and etiquette called
Driglam Namzhag. The dress element of this code required all
citizens to wear the gho and the kira, in the
following contexts—inside and outside Dzong premises
(fortress-monasteries now used as centres of district
administration) at all government offices, at schools, monasteries,
at official functions and ‘public congregations’. Another
significant move by the Government was to strengthen the role and
status of Dzongkha in national life and a downgrading of the role of
the Nepali language generally and its removal from the syllabus of
schools.
The Government introduced in
1988 a new Citizenship Act having retroactive application and fixing
1958 as the cut off date for citizenship. This Act became the basis
for the so-called census exercise carried out only in the southern
districts in 1988, in which every household of the southern
population had to produce documentary evidence of having legal
residence such as land tax receipt of 1958, or else be a
non-national.
Politically, it was all an
exercise in absurdity as the overall effect of Driglam Namza and
series of other repressive measures and discrimination against the
Nepali-speaking southern Bhutanese made them feel like second class
citizens in their own country. The introduction of the new
Citizenship Act of 1985 with retrospective action, and the
subsequent census exercise in 1988 that converted a large segment of
southern Bhutanese citizens into illegal immigrants instilled fear
and political unrest amidst the southern Bhutanese for the first
time. This ultimately became the basis that led the Lhotshampas to
campaign for their rights and freedom.
A petition seeking a review of
the 1985 Citizenship Act and the manner in which the census was
carried out and other Government policies was sent to the king by
Tek Nath Rizal, who then was the Royal Advisory Councillor and
people’s representative from the south. But his appeal was taken by
the King as an act of treason. Consequently, Rizal was imprisoned
and tortured on charges of inciting the southern Bhutanese against
the Government. A week later, on condition that he did not attend
any public functions or speak to more than three persons at a time,
Rizal was released under amnesty by the King. Distressed at the way
he was treated, Rizal soon fled the country to join dissidents and
mobilise support in exile.
On July 7, 1989, Rizal formed
the "People’s Forum for Human Rights in Bhutan" (PFHRB) in exile
(Nepal) and started campaigning against the gross violations of
human rights in Bhutan. The Bhutan People’s Party (BPP) was formed
by Nepali Bhutanese in India in June 1990. With the PFHR, it
organised mass public demonstrations in southern Bhutan in September
and October 1990 that were unprecedented in the Kingdom’s history.
The demonstrators submitted a list of 13 demands for radical changes
in the political system as well as basic civil rights.
On August 7, 1990, the Home
Ministry of Bhutan issued a circular branding all those who fled the
country as traitors or anti-nationals. The citizenship of family
members and relatives of those fleeing the country was consequently
confiscated and they were charged with anti-national activities.But
the protest grew into a movement for full human rights, and
eventually into a call for democracy. |