The
SAARC summit has brought to focus aspects of Indo-Pak relations that
could propel the two countries towards lasting peace. There is an
increasing realisation that the dynamics of mutual benefit could be
such that both the nations could stand to benefit immensely. And
more importantly, there are indications now that a crucial apparatus
within Pakistan comprising the Army, the ISI and Pakistan President
Pervez Musharraf, has begun to realise, whether under duress or
otherwise, that waging a proxy war with India on Kashmir, is not the
best course of action. Indeed, there is an unsaid belief about
Indo-Pak relations here ----- if Pakistan wants ties with India to
improve, they will ----- as India will be more than welcome to
change matters for the better.
From the Indian point of view, the reasoning is
quite simple and uncomplicated. Though good neighbourly relations
with Pakistan is important, it is not the defining aspect of every
day living amongst the majority of Indians as well as various
political outfits. Indians are now people on the move who have
tasted the first fruits of an increasingly liberalised and
globalised economy. Whether in the form of doctors, engineers, back
office agents of multinationals, nurses, teachers, entrepreneurs,
they want to compete with the rest of the world, specially China, as
the benefits can be enormous and are trickling in. Thus the
consensus among political parties here is increasingly revolving
around good governance, an agenda to deliver on infrastructure
(electricity, roads, water, IT and communication) that can
facilitate good living and handsome returns.
Most Indians prefer to ignore the day-to-day
goings on in the Indo-Pak diplomatic quagmire and want to carry on
with their business, unaffected, unless there is a India-Pakistan
cricket contest being played or a terrorist attack in Kashmir or
elsewhere, that too of a magnitude to attract attention. Even a high
profile summit like SAARC has found less precedence in most national
newspapers than a double century by Indian cricket icon Sachin
Tendulkar at the Test series in Australia.
Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee knows that
good relations with Pakistan will elevate his status as a statesman
even further, but in the ultimate analysis during the elections that
are due next year, he will be judged on the basis of his
government’s ability to deliver on a host of other factors. Foreign
relations will be just one of them. If Vajpayee is re-elected next
year it will be on the basis of the good performance of the Indian
economy. Good relations with Pakistan will be a bonus.
However, it is not the case with Pakistan where
governments have been removed and dictators have taken over, solely
on the basis of their handling of Indo-Pak relations. There has
always been a feeling that if matters between India and Pakistan are
to be sorted out, it will have to be more at the initiative of
Pakistan than India. And, by all indications, Pakistan seems to be
increasingly realising that good neighbourly relations with India is
the one sure way towards its own prosperity.
The calls for a ceasefire along the Line of
Control as well as doing away with implementing UN resolutions in
Kashmir have come unilaterally from Pakistan. At the SAARC summit
there has been no overt mention of the K-word from Pakistan, no
reiteration of cross-border terrorism by India, which has perhaps
never happened in recent history in a forum under such high media
glare. This is as good as it can get as far as rhetoric is
concerned, though there is still a lot of ground yet to cover. At
the SAARC summit, there have been significant breakthroughs on the
economic front. Away from the media focus on the one-to-one meetings
between Vajpayee-Musharraf-Jamali, the real progress has been in the
framework agreement on South Asian Free Trade Area (Safta). This
will over the next decade boost economic cooperation between
countries of the region, primarily, India and Pakistan. India
already has free trade agreements with Nepal and Sri Lanka and is
negotiating one with Bangladesh. Pakistan had blocked Safta for as
long as it could, but the economic situation has now compelled it to
change the attitude. This in turn will lead to closer
people-to-people ties and create a network of friendly relationships
through which issues such as Kashmir and cross-border terrorism can
be meaningfully addressed. There is no other option as India will
simply not discuss the Kashmir issue in a substantive manner unless
the terror strikes diminish.
Pakistan’s change of heart, of course, has been
helped in no small measure by the turn of events in the rest of the
world. Post 9/11 America has played a pro-active role in the region.
Leaders in Pakistan are forced to accept that after 9/11 ISI's so
far highly successful policy of indirect war in Kashmir and bleeding
India cannot continue. Moreover, the Americans have tightened the
screws on Pakistan for grooming jehadis against India. The impact of
Musharraf agreeing to America's innumerable dictates is
overwhelming. That the jihadis are feeling the heat is borne by the
fact that Musharraf escaped two recent assassination attempts, with
evidence pointing towards Jaish elements in the Pakistan Occupied
Kashmir (POK.) It is becoming difficult for Pakistani diplomats to
counter the image of a 'terrorist state' in the diplomatic world.
There have also been reports emanating from
Islamabad that battle fatigue is setting in the Pakistan army. The
middle and lower cadre of the Pakistan Army is realising the
futility of an indirect war with India. Opening of the Afghanistan
front is also adding to their workload.
But, the most important change is the aspiration
among Pakistanis to be economically developed. The images of India
and other non-Islamic world telecast by private television channels
and films have made an impact on the masses. Not just the industry
leaders of Karachi and Lahore, but people in Federally Administrated
Tribal areas and North West Frontier Province are also asking for
their dues. Pakistan situation is unenviable. Despite a massive
emotional and financial investment in militancy in Kashmir, it is no
nearer to seeing India off from the state than it was in 1989. But
in the period since then, the Indian economy has grown at a handsome
pace and it has a GDP of $2.7 trillion (Purchasing power parity) as
compared to Pakistan's $295 billion (PPP) or just 11 per cent of
India's.
Pakistan's economy is growing at a sluggish 4 per
cent while India's growth rate is double the figure. Poverty is
declining in India with currently 25 per cent people are considered
below the poverty line, but Pakistan which had one of the strongest
economies in SAARC is now witnessing a growth of poverty, which
currently accounts for 35 per cent of its population. Pakistan's
dream of maintaining parity with India is now confined to the
nuclear and military fields.
Indeed, a focus on economic relations will bring
a healthy measure of realism in Pakistani thinking about India. At
the SAARC inaugural, Jamali declared that economic union could not
take off unless political disputes were settled in a just manner.
But, there is another stream of thought that is emerging — Let us
get on with economics and people-to-people dynamics, the political
aspects will settle on their own.