Extraditing
criminals, wanted in India from other countries, is an area, where
political compulsions, diplomacy and a country’s standing in the world
play a dominant role, irrespective of the existence or otherwise of any
bilateral extradition treaty. Indeed, no country needs any treaty to
expel an undesirable alien from within its jurisdiction.
Where there is a duly executed bilateral extradition
treaty, it is open to the States to use the same. However, the process
of extradition usually involves the judiciary in the concerned
countries. International law regulating extradition acknowledges the
following points as a basis of exercise of criminal jurisdiction by a
sovereign State, namely, territoriality (the State where the offence has
been allegedly committed or where it has occurred), nationality (the
national State of the offender or the accused), the protective principle
(the State whose essential economic or other interests have been
directly and adversely affected by the offence), and universality (the
offence being an international crime).
Extradition or deportation is simply handing over of
a person accused of an offence, by the country where he might have taken
refuge, to the country that has made a request for sending him back.
Neither national nor international law imposes any obligation on the
countries of the world to extradite. Neither have they prescribed any
special procedure for handing over such person or persons concerned to
the requesting State.
Ottavio Quatrocchi, an Italian power-broker and
self-proclaimed friend of the late Rajiv Gandhi, had received $ 7.34
million through his company, AE Services, for clinching the AB Bofors
deal with the Government of India for purchase of 155 mm howitzer guns.
He had been charge-sheeted for his role by the CBI in what has come to
be known as the Bofors Case. This case is now into the second decade. It
is important to recapitulate quickly a few details for a full
understanding of the case. The Government of India was on the lookout
from 1980 for a suitable 155-mm gun system to meet the country’s defence
operational requirements. The choice was shortlisted to Sofma of France,
AB Bofors of Sweden, IMS of the U. K. and Voest Alpine of Austria in
December 1982. In November 1985, there was a further shortlisting
consisting of Sofma and Bofors. Finally, the order was placed by the
Government of India on Bofors on March 24, 1986, for supply of 410
numbers (400 plus 10 free) of 155 mm field howitzer 77-B gun
systems/spare guns for a total amount of SEK 8,410.66 million (Swedish
kroner is the official currency of Sweden). In Indian rupees, it was
equivalent to about Rs. 1,437.72 crore at that time.
Earlier, the Ministry of Defence had set up a
seven-member negotiating committee in May 1984 with the Defence
Secretary as the chairman. At the meeting held on March 12, 1986, the
committee felt that the offer of Bofors was the better of the two. It
recommended that, pending finishing touches to the contract, a letter of
intent might be issued to Bofors to the effect that the Government was
willing to award the contract to them. It was subject to their
satisfying the Government of India on all aspects of the purchase,
licenced production, credit and other arrangements. These
recommendations of the committee were approved, first by the Ministry of
Defence and then by the Ministry of Finance officials and then by four
Ministers, Ministers of State for Defence, Sukh Ram, Arun Singh and
Defence Minister K. C. Pant, on March 13, 1986, and also the Finance
Minister (V. P. Singh) and the Prime Minister on March 14, 1986.
The Letter of Intent was promptly issued to Bofors on
March 14, 1996. Further negotiations were continued. It was an unusual
case, where negotiations continued even after a letter of intent was
issued. Bofors submitted revised offers on March 21, 1986, in a hurried
exercise. The correct procedure would have been to issue a final letter
only after all the negotiations were over and not half way through.
Bofors, despite their clear and definite knowledge
from May 3, 1984, that agents were prohibited, had inducted agents. Huge
payments were made to them during the whole of 1986 and even as late as
March 30, 1987. The ‘agents’ did not do any purported service to get the
contract in favour of Bofors as per the views of the Defence Ministry.
Yet they were paid huge sums as ‘commission’.
Bofors paid an amount of SEK 50,463,966 to
Quatrocchi’s AE Services Ltd. on September 2/3, 1986. Obviously, no
businessman pays any money without a quid pro quo. Bofors
consistently declined to disclose the names of the actual beneficiaries
of the remittances made by them.
The Government of India had set up a Joint
Parliamentary Committee (JPC) to look into the question of kickbacks in
Bofors. In the JPC report, Thulholm, the then Chairman of Nobel
Industries (Bofors was its subsidiary), had stated that so far as he was
aware, payments had not been made to Indians or to an Indian company for
the contract. He had also stated that he could not affirm that bribes
had not been paid to Ottavio Quatrocchi. The Italian powerbroker was
arrested on December 20, 2000, in Malaysia and later released on bail.
Quatrocchi had earlier lost his legal battle with the
CBI in India while contesting the Interpol Red Corner notice as well as
his unsuccessful challenge to the non-bailable warrant issued by the
Delhi Special Court. Despite the undertaking given by his counsel,
Quatrocchi refused to obey the Supreme Court order to join the CBI for
investigation into the Bofors case within 15 days. The Supreme Court had
directed the CBI not to arrest him. The legal battle he lost in fighting
his case in India, he won in Malaysia, through the intervention of the
Italian Prime Minister who pleaded his case with the Malaysian Prime
Minister. The dropping of proceedings against Quatrocchi has more to do
with globalisation compulsions than the nitty gritty of evidence. If
Malaysia wanted to help India, as it has done in the case of the U. S.
A., it could have simply deported Quatrocchi to India. Rumours were rife
in Malaysia that, with the ill-gotten money in his pocket, the Italian
master crook was able to purchase a lot of influence in that country. It
may be recalled that the Malaysian Foreign Minister had announced some
time back that if India wanted to enter into an extradition treaty with
Malaysia only to get Quatrocchi extradited, then his country was not for
any agreement to this effect. Such was the clout of Quatrocchi even
there. Now the bird has flown away and there is no likelihood of his
coming back from Italy to Malaysia to face an Indian appeal.