May be history is repeating itself albeit at a
very short period of less than a decade-and-a-half. Torrid stories
of the political fight between socialists vs fundamentalist that the
nation witnessed with an utter shame in early 1990s are not
forgotten yet. The Mandal vs Kamandal fight for political supremacy
during 1990 between the then Prime Minister V P Singh and President
of BJP, which was then supporting the National Front Government from
outside, may not have done us any proud. Not only this led to fall
of Singh’s government but also left deep scars on the society that
witnessed political polarisition on the basis on either castes or
communities.
The shock defeat during the Lok Sabha followed by
the drubbing it got in the Maharashtra Assembly elections’ has
perhaps hastened the BJP to go back to its roots. Crowning of L K
Advani as the president to resurrect the fledgling fortunes of the
sole ‘Nationalist Party" through reverting back to ideologies
revives the painful memory of what had happened in 1990. In rather a
strange coincidence, Advani went to Nagpur within days of taking
over as president to take part in the Vijayadashmi Rally of
Rashtriya Swaymsevak Sangh (RSS)) leaves little doubt about the
principal opposition party taking to hard-line Hindutva, a plank
that saw the saffron party resurrecting itself from political
wilderness. With Advani taking over the reins of the party in 1986
when it was reduced to just two in the Lok Sabha, BJP continued to
grow in geometric progression during the next 10 years and came to
power as single largest party in 1996 although it is a different
story that the party led coalition government with Vajpayee did not
last even 15 days.
After ha
lting
the march of the Saffron party, Congress led by Sonia Gandhi, is now
seeking to revive its fortunes in the Hindi heartland where it was
either marginalised or forced to play a second fiddle. It was a
shame for the oldest party to contest only four seats in Bihar or
get less than 10 seats in Uttar Pradesh. The political realignment
and the turn of events have perhaps given the Congress a chance to
regain some of the lost ground, particularly since 1990s.
Therefore, it does not come as a surprise that the Congress is
taking BJP head-on on the issue of fundamentalism. But at the same
time, it has taken a leaf from V P Singh, a life-long Congressman
who turned against Rajiv Gandhi during late 1980s and became the
Prime Minister of Janata Dal led coalition government. The first
move came from the Congress-led coalition at the height of the
election campaigning, less than a week before the date of polling
and even less for casting of votes in Arunachal Pradesh.
However, the Election Commission did not take it
lying low. Rather it came heavily on the Central Government for the
timing of one of its decision. In what could be a virtual indictment
of the ruling Congress-led UPA combine at the Centre; the Election
Commission rejected Centre’s stand on the setting up of a Commission
to look into reservation for minorities. Questioning the
announcement for setting of a National Commission to look into
reservation for minorities, the Commission said, "at this juncture
when elections are being held in two states of the country the
decision gives the impression of being aimed at influencing some
sections of the electorate". Reminding the Cabinet Secretary that
the government had sought its views on the issue of changing the
policy on subsidy for Haj travel and decided to defer it, the
Commission said that it was "emphatically of the view that the
decision on the constitution of the (National) Commission should
also have been deferred till the date of poll, October 13."
To the dismay of the industry, the move to
introduce job reservation in the private sector had gained momentum
with Ram Vilas Paswan, Union Fertiliser Minister and president of
LJP, raised the pitch and demanded that the issue be added in the
President’’ Speech at the inaugural session of the new Parliament.
His unrelenting stance prompted the Prime Minister to constitute a
Group of Ministers on August 30 to fulfill the promise made in the
Common Minimum Programme to provide job reservation in the private
sector and to examine, among other things, the issue of
"affirmative" action.The seven-member body, headed by Agriculture
Minister Sharad Pawar was expected to take a full view of the
situation after the government initiated a national debate and
started a consultation process with the political parties, industry
and other organisations to see how best the private sector can
fulfill the aspirations of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe
youth.
The political undercurrents of any reservation policy have been
felt in terms of caste divide in the society. But none of the
political party has taken a public position to oppose such a concept
in public for fear of losing votes of certain section of the society
even though many a leaders in many political parties do have their
views in private. The particular school of socialists, which owes
its allegiance to Lohia and Ambedkar, has unleashed the "competitive
casteism", a move that has given them a political platform and a
path to power. May be it is the irony that in the nation, that
aspires to become an economic super power, a country that is
emerging as a force in the global community, the elections are still
fought on caste and communal ground and the development agenda is
still given a go-bye.