The
fall out of the struggle between the U. S.-led forces and Islamic
fundamentalists in Iraq, Afghanistan and in other parts of the globe has
started having its impact on Kashmiri militants. The result is further
division and disillusionment in their ranks as far as the role of the
Americans is concerned. Many in the country were surprised when Defence
Minister George Fernandes played it cool over the role of Pakistan
intelligence agencies in the recent attack on the Army camps near
Akhnoor as well as on pilgrims going to the holy cave of Amarnath.
Not only did George play it cool, even the Opposition
leader in Pakistan, Zafarullah Khan, who was on a visit to India not
only criticised the killings of the innocents but went on to declare
that these were attempts to derail the peace process between India and
Pakistan. The views of the Maulana on the role of the Americans also
left no doubt that he remains a supporter of the Taliban and is not
prepared to welcome American intervention in the Kashmir dispute which
he wants to be resolved between the two countries through bilateral
talks as provided in the Shimla Agreement.
Even the newly-elected leader of the Hurriyat
Conference, Maulana Ansari, played it cool when the Americans called on
him in Kashmir. He wanted them only as friends and not as masters who
could dictate terms. Yet another clue was provided about the changing
scenario when the Pakistani media virtually ignored the statements of
Sayeed Ali Shah Gillani who, after parting company from his colleagues,
is trying to set up a separate outfit. The hard-liner who has been the
favourite of the Pakistan Government and media so far was virtually
ignored. Gillani, a known hard-liner, has been demanding action against
the sons of A. G. Lone for having taken part in elections, a demand
which has been rejected by the majority in the Hurriyat Conference.
The new moderate leadership of the Hurriyat
Conference is likely to join the dialogue process with the Government of
India if some face-saving formula is found. At present, the mood in
Kashmir is positively for peace, the few incidents of violence
notwithstanding. Surprisingly, the violence is more in evidence in the
Jammu region and that too close to the border. It is true that the
militants have been receiving support from Pakistan in the past with the
help of free supply of weapons, safe haven for training and rest, but it
would be a mistake if it was concluded that Pakistan has total control
over the militants, though it wields considerable influence over them.
In the past, the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front
which had a majority of locals in its ranks functioned almost
independently, till it was eliminated because the hard-core militants
stopped giving them support and Pakistan denied weapons and funds to
them. Even in the recent past, the faction led by Mohammed Hassan Dar
revolted against the leadership based in Pakistan and declared a
unilateral cease-fire. Dar was subsequently assassinated by a militant
faction. The death of Lone in a public rally by militants was another
reminder of the fact that the ranks of the militants are badly divided.
Even the father of the present Mirwaiz, Maulvi Farooq, was killed
because of factional warfare in the ranks of the militants. The stories
of such killings have been a part of militancy in Jammu and Kashmir from
the very beginning and one should take care to make a distinction
between different groups operating in the Valley. The induction of
foreign militants was a result of realisation on the part of the
Pakistani authorities that their control was slipping and that the local
militants did not always carry out their commands.
In the new scenario in which the decision by Gen.
Musharraf, like his policy of a complete turnaround on the issue of the
Taliban, his support to the United States of America in the war against
terrorism and his decision to send troops to Iraq will certainly have
its impact on the Kashmir situation. One more myth that needs to be
broken is that the people of Kashmir have always supported Pakistani
rulers irrespective of their political leanings. For instance, it may be
mentioned that in the Eighties the hanging of the former Pakistani Prime
Minister Z. A. Bhutto had led to angry demonstrations all over the
Valley which had continued for a long time. During this period, houses
of Jamait Islami supporters were burnt down, many leaders attacked and
some were even killed. This was done because people believed that the
Jamait Islami had supported Gen. Zia and was responsible through
association for the killing of Bhutto.
The study of the current situation clearly indicates
that the hold or appeal of Pakistan in the Valley is on the decline as a
result of recent developments. The change of government in the Valley,
the association of Gen. Musharraf with the Americans and his opposition
to the Taliban and move to send troops to Iraq are not liked at all.
This conclusion is inevitable despite an increase in the number of
attacks particularly on security forces. In the words of a seasoned
observer, this may be the last flicker before the fire is put out.
Irrespective of the assessment, one thing is certain that a window of
opportunity has opened because of a division in the ranks of the
militants in Jammu and Kashmir and reduced influence or hold of Pakistan
on militant groups. Yet another contributing factor is international
pressure on Pakistan, particularly from the Americans, which has made it
difficult for them to encourage terrorism openly.
As far as India is concerned, our roadmap has clearly
established a process of dialogue and a healing touch in Kashmir and
attempts to normalise relations with Pakistan as long as it is willing
to play the role of a good neighbour and also to discourage cross border
terrorism.