The
Ayodhya issue needs to be looked at also from the angle of the
continuing power struggle in the Bharatiya Janata Party, with the
Parivar hard-liners bent on forcing Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
to throw in the towel before completion of his current term. Even though
Party President Venkaiah Naidu was forced to retract his "vikas
purush-loh purush" statement intended to project his mentor L. K.
Advani as the next leader, the parivar constituents are doing
everything possible to frustrate Vajpayee’s moves to resolve the Ram
temple issue amicably.
Even before the All India Muslim Personal Law Board
had formally rejected the Kanchi Shankaracharya’s latest formula, the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, VHP, Bajrang Dal and other organisations
had left no stone unturned to ensure that the move floated with the
Prime Minister’s blessings was scuttled so that he would not be able to
claim credit for a major breakthrough. Without directly attacking
Vajpayee, the RSS made it clear that the status of the Ayodhya, Kashi
and Mathura temples was not negotiable and that the Muslims should take
note of the sentiments of the Hindu majority and relinquish their claim
to the three sites. It also supported the VHP’s demand for legislation
to allow temple construction to start immediately. The VHP, which has
articulated extremist views on this subject, continues to demand the
Prime Minister’s resignation for his failure to keep the promise to
build a Ram temple at Ayodhya.
The BJP now finds itself on the horns of a dilemma.
Its urgent problem is that it rode to power on the Ayodhya tiger and
finds it risky now to dismount.
The RSS is not ready for an immediate change of
leadership despite many shortcomings in the government’s performance and
big question marks having been raised about its Pakistan and China
policies. Vajpayee alone has the capability of keeping the NDA together
because of his wide acceptability which Advani lacks.
The BJP does not have the remotest chance of securing
a majority on its own at the next elections and, therefore, its temple
and other agendas shall remain on permanent hold. It has to depend on
the NDA to return to power.
The reaction of the Muslim Personal Law Board to the
Shankaracharya’s proposal was on expected lines. It saw the seer’s
clarification as "thinly veiled threats" to Muslims to submit and
surrender themselves unconditionally to all the unreasonable demands
made by the Sangh Parivar.
A section of the BJP leadership is disinclined to
accept the parivar’s argument that the Centre legislate to hand
over the disputed and undisputed land to the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas for
temple construction. If the Government fails to get such a bill passed
it should resign, dissolve the Lok Sabha and go for fresh elections,
making Ayodhya the central issue. The VHP and the RSS do not believe in
give-and-take and for them the word "negotiations" connotes only one
thing: that the Muslims hand over the Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura sites
to the Hindus for temple construction as a unilateral gesture of
goodwill.For tactical reasons, the BJP projects itself as opposed to the
RSS-VHP line and pursuing a "nationalist" line. The Government’s failure
to deliver on its promises to give a corruption-free administration and
accelerate the pace of development are being raised by the opposition
parties.
The BJP has now decided to stress on announcing
development packages for targeted sections including the poor, farmers,
the unemployed youth and those living in the backward areas. But having
lost four long years, there is little time left now to make a visible
impact on the people. While the BJP projects itself as pursuing a
moderate line, it sees continued benefit in the parivar outfits
pursuing the extremist course.
Vajpayee has been singled out for attack for not
showing enough seriousness about implementing the temple agenda, while
Advani is praised for his devotion to the Hindu cause and for having
taken out a Ayodhya rath yatra before the last election.
Questions are asked whether the sabre-rattling
between the BJP and the rest of the Sangh Parivar will debilitate the
BJP to an extent that its chances at the next elections are adversely
affected. It does not seem so. Two parallel strategies are working
together. The BJP insists that the constraints of NDA politics prevents
it from implementing its own agenda. The rest of the parivar
takes the line that the BJP must be given a clear mandate to govern to
be in a position to redeem its pledges, including that on the Ram
temple. Both reinforce one another. However, a section of the BJP
leadership is against putting all the Ayodhya eggs in one basket and
isolating the RSS, VHP and other outfits in any manner.
The BJP cannot do without the active support of the
RSS, VHP and other outfits to stay alive and in government.
As multiple membership of various outfits is
permitted, the RSS will now ensure that its workers have a major say in
the running of the BJP. Accordingly, RSS functionaries will be given
charge of the BJP district level units to help revitalise the party
before next year’s elections. In this manner at least 5,000 RSS
wholetimers are to be inducted in the party at various levels to ensure
that its basic Hindutva agenda is not compromised and the so-called
moderates are persuaded to shed their ambivalence and joint the temple
and other crusades.The move to amend the BJP constitution is dictated by
considerations of increasing the number of office-bearers to accommodate
more RSS and VHP cadres and curb indiscipline by taking time-bound
action.