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Neither
Clausewitz nor Sun Tzu had any advice for military commanders on how
to manage the news media during times of war. But both agreed that
strategic information—about battle plans, troop strength,
disposition of forces and so forth —should be denied the enemy so as
to enhance an army’s ability to use deception and the element of
surprise.
Pentagon war planners have turned this ancient
military maxim inside out. From the first moments of the war in
Iraq, television screens and newspaper pages around the world have
shown and described, with images, exploding palaces and an armoured
phalanx rolling rapidly toward Baghdad. Reports from the Third
Infantry Division do everything but cite highway mile-markers of
their progress. Reporters are "embedded" so deep into the war that
they are subsisting on the same dreadful rations eaten by the
troops.
The Pentagon may have been dragged kicking and
screaming into its current embrace of the news media. But it is
making the most of it. Planners must have contemplated advances in
media technology and decided that if they can’t control the press,
they may as well use it.
And make no mistake—the news media are being
used—in more ways than they realise. When Secretary of Defence
Donald Rumsfeld first announced that reporters would be welcome in
the trenches, members of the media were suspicious. After all, this
was the same Pentagon that kept journalists far from the front lines
during the Persian Gulf war. Yet, from reporters inhaling the
exhaust of infantry units to bleary-eyed New York anchors spellbound
by squads of generals analysing the data stream, the news media have
marched practically in lock step with the military.
Not since the halcyon days of Ronald Reagan
has an Administration been so adept at managing information and
manipulating images. In Iraq, the Bush Administration has beaten the
press at its own game. It has turned the media into a weapon of war,
using the information it provides to harass and intimidate the Iraqi
military leadership.
None of the early attacks on Baghdad destroyed
the power or communications infrastructure, as they did in the early
hours of the Gulf war. As bombs fell on palaces and government
ministries, the real war was being brought to Baghdad via satellite
dish. Images that had been curtailed in the Gulf war are now being
used as a force-multiplier. Knowing that Iraqi military leaders are
watching the same satellite feeds as they are—from CNN as well as
from Al Jazeera and other cable networks—Pentagon officials have
been in contact with Iraqi generals by radio, cell phone, even
e-mail. The message they are sending is simple and direct: Surrender
your forces. Opposition is hopeless. If you don’t believe us, just
turn on your TV.
Iraqi leaders have made their own attempts to
manipulate the media, of course. They have provided Al Jazeera
footage of American prisoners of war, downed aircraft and injured
and dead civilians. But the audience they’re trying to influence
doesn’t wear stars. Iraq is trying to influence the so-called Arab
street—inside Iraq and elsewhere in the Arab world. And they are no
doubt attempting to counter the depressing effect of the
bombs-over-Baghdad footage on their own beleaguered forces.
Both sides are taking an enormous gamble by
using the news media. But it’s an especially risky gamble for the
Pentagon. The same satellites that transmitted images of United
States armour rolling easily across the sand are now carrying images
of dead and captured American soldiers. |